Zakaria Imad Ahmed, 12, is treated by doctors in a
first aid clinic in the Zahra neighborhood after he was hit in the head
by shrapnel from a mortar fired by ISIS militants on February 6, 2017.
He and his younger brother and sister were playing outside when a mortar
dropped nearby and shrapnel hit parts of their bodies.: photo by Bram Janssen / AP, 6 February 2017
W.H. Auden: The Fall of Rome
Benitachel, Eastern Spain: photo by Sebastian Vaida, 2008
(For Cyril Connolly)
The piers are pummelled by the waves;
In a lonely field the rain
Lashes an abandoned train;
Outlaws fill the mountain caves.
Fantastic grow the evening gowns;
Agents of the Fisc pursue
Absconding tax-defaulters through
The sewers of provincial towns.
Private rites of magic send
The temple prostitutes to sleep;
All the literati keep
An imaginary friend.
Cerebrotonic Cato may
Extoll the Ancient Disciplines,
But the muscle-bound Marines
Mutiny for food and pay.
Caesar's double-bed is warm
As an unimportant clerk
Writes I DO NOT LIKE MY WORK
On a pink official form.
Unendowed with wealth or pity,
Little birds with scarlet legs,
Sitting on their speckled eggs,
Eye each flu-infected city.
Altogether elsewhere, vast
Herds of reindeer move across
Miles and miles of golden moss,
Silently and very fast.
W.H. Auden (1907-1973): The Fall of Rome, from Nones (1961)
Caribou (Rangifer tarandus), Suomi, near Ihari, Finland: photo by Lukas Riebling, 2005
Hong Kong, Yeah!: photo by Edas Wong, 3 March 2017
Hong Kong, Yeah!: photo by Edas Wong, 3 March 2017
Hong Kong, Yeah!: photo by Edas Wong, 3 March 2017
Europe on Edge: Immigration fears boost Dutch far right: John Leicester / Emilio Morenatti, AP, 10 March 2017
The specter of uncontrolled floods of migrants from countries that
don't share Europe's Christian heritage is a principal selling point for
the extremist, far-right brand of politics promoted by firebrand
populists Geert Wilders in the Netherlands: photo by Emilio Morenatti/AP, 10 March 2017
THE HAGUE, Netherlands (AP) — That Duindorp has no immigrant
community to speak of is part of its charm for Willem van Vliet, who
runs the "Willem and Toet" fish bar in the neighborhood's small parade
of shops, serving crispy homemade shrimp croquettes and other Dutch
snacks.
When Van Vliet, a friendly bear of a man, leaves the quiet confines
of Duindorp, with its neat brick houses, fresh sea air and cackling
gulls wheeling overhead, and travels the few miles (kilometers) into the
center of The Hague to the city's more culturally diverse
neighborhoods, the cook sees a Netherlands not enriched by immigration,
but ravaged by it.
"In the last years, too many people have come to Holland with no
education, no work experience, and they are coming here only for money
from the government, and enough is enough," he said. "We lost our
country."
Such views make this corner of the Netherlands one of the epicenters
for the disruptive wave of populism sweeping across Europe,
gate-crashing its politics, testing its institutions and clouding its
future. European populist leaders are exploiting the concerns of people
like Van Vliet that immigration, particularly Muslim immigration,
threatens to swamp them and their traditions, with the eventual risk of
them or their children becoming strangers in their own lands.
Of the Netherlands' 17 million people, just over one in five now has a
foreign background. That number rises to roughly half-and-half in the
four largest melting-pot cities: Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Utrecht and The
Hague.
The specter of uncontrolled floods of migrants from countries that
don't share Europe's Christian heritage is a principal selling point for
the extremist, far-right brand of politics promoted by firebrand
populists Geert Wilders in the Netherlands and Marine Le Pen in France.
For critics, Wilders and Le Pen are stoking anti-immigrant feelings,
not simply diagnosing them. By harping on anti-Islam themes, they are
accused of making the xenophobic views that Europe shunned after the
Nazi horrors of World War II more mainstream again. Wilders was
convicted in December of inciting discrimination for a rabble-rousing
speech against the Moroccan population, which he has said includes "a
lot of Moroccan scum."
For their supporters, Wilders and Le Pen simply tell it like it is.
Paradoxically, hostility against immigrants is sometimes sharpest in
places, like Duindorp, that have not absorbed large numbers of people
from overseas. Some of those who most vehemently repeat Wilders and Le
Pen's arguments that Islam is poisoning Europe don't actually have
regular personal contact with Muslims. Many cite terrorism claimed by
Islamic extremists in Europe as a major cause of their concerns.
The No. 1 pledge on Wilders' election manifesto, which fits onto just
one page, is to "de-Islamize the Netherlands," by banning the Quran and
immigration from Muslim countries and shutting the country's estimated
475 mosques. About 5 percent of the Dutch population, at least 850,000
people, is now Muslim.
Duindorp has no mosques and few Muslims. Its several thousand people are overwhelmingly white, most born locally.
Yet Duindorp is Wilders territory. When his Party for Freedom got
hammered in the last parliamentary election in 2012, Duindorp bucked the
trend. At Duindorp's community center that serves as a polling station,
where retirees come for billiards and company, 352 people cast votes
for Wilders, more than for the two largest parties combined.
Wilders should score well again on March 15, when the Netherlands
votes in the first of a series of European elections, followed by
France, Germany and possibly Italy. The elections will show whether the
populist storm that broke last year with Britain's "Brexit" vote is
gathering strength or blowing over.
Leo Pronk, a community leader in Duindorp, said Wilders' anti-Islam
message hooks voters who "don't know any better." There are jobs in
Duindorp, with many self-employed in building trades, but few of its
kids attend university, Pronk said. Because "windows were smashed,
people were threatened" in the past, immigrants "don't want to live
here," he said. To describe the neighborhood's suspicions of outsiders,
Pronk quoted a Dutch saying: "What a farmer doesn't know, he doesn't
eat."
"Wilders is saying what the low-educated people want to hear ...
'Immigrants are taking our jobs, they are raping our women,'" said
Pronk, who doesn't vote for him.
In his Duindorp workshop, sailmaker Frederik Quaedvlieg agreed that people perhaps fear what they don't know.
"Here you get accepted or not. If you are accepted, everyone says
'Hi!' No problem. If you are not accepted, you feel it and you have to
get out," he said. "I think there's a lot of people here who really
complain about immigration and about foreigners taking their jobs, but
they get the social welfare and they stay at home and smoke weed all
day."
Islam is relatively new in the Netherlands, and its spread has come
as increasing numbers of native Dutch have abandoned religion. Those
attending religious services at least once per month have dropped from
about one in four in 1999 to about one in six now.
In The Hague's most culturally diverse neighborhoods, many women wear
Muslim headscarves. In the market, young Muslim women eating battered
fried fish, a Dutch favorite, took dainty, careful bites to avoid
splashing grease on their hijabs.
The Netherlands' oldest mosque, in The Hague, was built in 1955. Its
imam, Naeem Ahmad, dismisses as "not possible" Wilders' call for the
country to rid itself of Islam.
He says the Muslim community is thriving and generally integrated.
The Mobarak Mosque gets New Year greeting cards from its Dutch
neighbors. And before the ubiquity of GPS, people would lead worshippers
who had trouble finding the building right to the door, he said.
"In what other country would that happen?" he asked. "The majority of
the people in the Netherlands are still very liberal, very welcoming."
The mosque does community outreach, posting leaflets about Islam
through doors and gluing stickers around town. One, stuck on a beam in
the mosque's basement, reads:
"Muslims for peace. Love for all, hatred
for none."
Ahmad hopes those who disagree with Wilders will stand up and be counted in the election.
"Otherwise the small group, the minority, will take over," he said.
Those who are receptive to Wilders' arguments also include wealthier
people who could be hurt economically by his proposed policies were he
to take power.
The crew of the Maarten-Jacob makes a handsome living, as much as
8,000 euros ($8,450) each per month, trawling fish from the murk of the
North Sea. Five of the six men who work the vessel said they'd be voting
Wilders, even though his desire to pull the Netherlands out of the
European Union could be disastrous for the country's fishing industry,
likely limiting access to European fishing grounds.
As it is, the trawler's captain already is worried that Britain's
"Brexit" will bar them from English waters, where they catch much of
their fish. But for him and his shipmates, anxieties about Islam appear
greater still. They come from Urk, a fishing town with roughly 20
churches, all Protestant, for a population of 20,000 people who are
among the most devout churchgoers in the country. Urk has no mosque and
few immigrants.
The captain, Jan de Boer, said as they repaired their nets that he has never met a good Muslim.
"Islam is very dangerous," De Boer said. "It's a religion of hate."
"Shut the doors, no more people," he added. "I'm very scared and I mean it, honestly."
Fear cuts both ways.
For immigrants and their Dutch-born children, Wilders' success in
thrusting immigration to the top of the political agenda is making them
question their place in a country long known for its tolerance and
exploration of the world. Dutch mariners were the first Europeans to
sail as far as New Zealand, in 1642; they founded New York and gave the
word "yacht" and other nautical terms to the English language. More
recently, the Netherlands was the first country to legalize same-sex
marriage — in 2001.
Yet now many are buying into Wilders' arguments that tolerance has
gone too far, and that the Netherlands cannot risk opening itself any
further to a religion he calls dangerously intolerant, Islam. Although
other politicians say they won't work with Wilders, they have shifted to
the right to catch some of his electorate.
"The Netherlands that I grew up in are not the Netherlands I live in
today," said Sylvana Simons. The 46-year-old former TV presenter of
Surinamese descent has been subjected to sickening online abuse,
including photos doctored to make her look like the hanged victim of a
lynching, after speaking out about discrimination.
"We've told ourselves and we desperately wanted to believe — and
believed — that we were the most tolerant country in the world," she
said. "It has proven not to be enough."
Wilders supporters cite a lack of space as another reason to close
the Netherlands' doors. The Netherlands is densely populated, with some
of its land reclaimed from the sea. The country is full, they argue.
"I think 80 percent of people who vote Wilders are afraid of change,"
said Denice Spaans, a 30-year-old educator who works with asylum
seekers. Those voters include her father, Fred, a hairdresser. The two
of them swim together in the North Sea in the mornings but don't see
eye-to-eye politically.
He blames Islam for "80 percent of the crime and the dangers" in the
world. He used to cut out and collect newspaper crime stories that
involved immigrants until the clippings took up too much space.
"If you have educated Muslims, then it's not a problem," Denice said.
"But I think it's uneducated people with old-fashioned mindsets which
don't fit into a modern society like here in Holland."
Born in The Hague, and seeing himself as part-Dutch and
part-Moroccan, 36-year-old Latif Boujada said he no longer feels at home
in either country. He sells hijabs, let's-learn-Arabic books,
recordings from the Quran and other Muslim apparel in The Hague's
market. Legions of foreign workers the Netherlands took in the 1970s
when it needed labor included Boujada's father, who moved from Morocco's
Rif Valley for work in the textile industry.
"The Dutch didn't want to do the dirty jobs. We helped make the country rich. Now they want us to go back," Boujada said.
Sounding vexed, he said he was stopped by Dutch police and asked to
show ID when recently visiting his parents, who have retired to a town
northeast of The Hague. In Morocco, he's treated as a foreigner, too, he
added.
"We're not welcome here or there," he said. "Holland is not the Holland of 20, 30 years ago."
But he added defiantly: "We're not going anywhere. We are staying."
Europe on Edge: Immigration fears boost Dutch far right: photo by Emilio Morenatti/AP, 10 March 2017
Europe on Edge: Immigration fears boost Dutch far right: photo by Emilio Morenatti/AP, 10 March 2017
not "damaged" by the war
The
White House aide who encouraged people to buy Ivanka Trump goods was
Kellyanne Conway, here seen with White House Press secretary Sean Spicer: photo by Jonathan Ernst / Reuters via The Atlantic, 9 February 2017
White House spokesman Sean Spicer may have violated a decades-old rule with his jobs report tweet: photo by Carlos Barria/Reuters via The Atlantic, 10 March 2017
Donald Trump's children say they're profiting handsomely during his presidency.: photo by Clodagh Kilcoyne/Reuters; image via via The Atlantic @TheAtlantic, 10 March 2017
"damaged" by the war
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Swamp Dogg (aka Jerry Williams): A Synthetic World, 1970
Swamp Dogg: Synthetic World, live at North Sea Jazz, 2011
P.P. Arnold: The first cut is the deepest (Live, 1967)
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